Archive: 11 September 2023

Open Letter to Honorable Claire D. Cronin on Transnational Repression in Ireland

Open Letter to Honorable Claire D. Cronin on Transnational Repression in Ireland

Open Letter to Honorable Claire D. Cronin on Transnational Repression in Ireland

Dear Esteemed Ambassador Cronin:

I am writing to you with the hope of scheduling a meeting to discuss the practice of transnational repression in the Republic of Ireland that is impacting the lives of American asylum seekers. I believe that it is within my best interest to leave Ireland and to pursue my research and educational aspirations in a different country, as I fear my freedom and life would be threatened if I returned to the United States of America (hereinafter “United States”). First, furthering my educational pursuits abroad will give me the opportunity to fulfil one of the requirements of my B.A. Law undergraduate degree. Second, it will give me a unique opportunity to contribute to the development and growth of my society. Be that as it may, I fear that if I do not proceed further with my claims against the United States, there would be a risk to my life and my freedom. These fears are based on the following:

I. Asylum Claim Between 2013-2023

The United States is privy to the claims I made against it dating back to 2013. Receiving States, such as Ireland, sometimes share information with authorities in the applicant’s country of origin, disclosing that the applicant has filed an asylum claim. While States may share limited information with the authorities in the applicant’s country of origin after they have exhausted all available legal remedies, evidence suggests that Ireland, or one of its colluders, has informed the United States of my asylum application well before my case was heard by the International Protection Office.

Evidence suggests, assurances were negotiated during the examination of my asylum claim, which violates the principle of confidentiality and my right, as an asylum seeker, to access and enjoy fair asylum procedures. Moreover, authorities in Ireland have prevented me from (1) challenging the decisions of the International Protection Office and the International Protection Appeals Tribunal rendered, and (2) barred me from creating structures that would support an application for Leave to Remain, which infringes upon my right to an effective remedy.

As a result, I am concerned that Ireland’s disclosure to the United States has aggravated my position in relation to the U.S. Government, who I assert, is responsible for my persecution. Thus, I am concerned about being exposed to a flagrant denial of justice, and potential risks to my life and freedom that I could face as a result of my political activism, and the claims I made against the United States for police sexual violence and brutality; racial persecution, and gender-related discrimination.

While I am deeply committed to advocating for the values of democracy, human rights, and freedom of expression in the United States and abroad, I do not feel that I cannot continue my activism in the United States without retaliation by government officials and other powerful interests in our nation.

The United States’ alleged interference with my asylum claim abroad has led me to believe these dangers will only escalate if I return home. This interference has infringed on my right to self-determination, which guarantees me the liberty to pursue freely, my economic, social and cultural development without outside interference. This right under international law also implies that I should have the liberty to determine freely, my political status and my place in the international community, based upon the liberation of peoples from colonialism and,by the prohibition against subjugation, domination and exploitation.

It cannot be denied that living abroad has provided me with a sense of security and freedom that I simply cannot find in the United States. Although I disagree with the United States’ position that its citizens should not file asylum claims abroad, I am prepared to (1) forego any future asylum claim against the United States now, and in the future, if the United States discontinue reprisals and/or forego any and all reprisals, legal or otherwise on the soils of the Republic of Ireland and the United States of America, pertaining to my Article 14 right to seek and to enjoy asylum in other countries from persecution—and the claims I made against the United States from February 2013—to the date I sit before the Office of the Ambassador to withdraw my asylum application Ireland.

II. Scope of 2021-2023 Research

As a dedicated researcher, I have always strived to conduct myself with the utmost professionalism and integrity.

However, as with any human endeavor, there are going to be instances where some allege the researcher, advertently or inadvertently, crossed the line or made a mistake. In my personal opinion, I believe that it is important for researchers to have the freedom to pursue their work without fear of legal repercussion for alleged mistakes or alleged misunderstandings that allegedly occur in the field. Without such protections, the pursuit of knowledge and scientific discovery could be severely hindered. I further believe that any action taken during my research periods, as a human rights defender, were done in good faith to expose the unlawful persecution of transgender and American asylum seekers in Ireland—with the ultimate goal of advancing knowledge on the ill-treatment of safe country nationals during the international protection process.

Indeed, human rights defenders investigate, gather information and report on human rights violations which focus on one specific instance of human rights abuses. Under the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, I have the right to freely to publish, impart or disseminate to others views, information and knowledge on all human rights and fundamental freedoms. I also have the right to study, discuss, form and hold opinions on the observance, both in law and in practice, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms and, through these and other appropriate means, to draw public attention to those matters.

For the last three years, my rights as a human rights defender have been severely curtailed. The United States nor the Republic of Ireland have taken all necessary measures to ensure I am protected from: threats, retaliation, de facto or de jure adverse discrimination, pressure and other arbitrary actions as a consequence of my legitimate exercise of the rights referred to in the Declaration.

Irrespective of these challenges, I remain committed to pursuing my education and research, and contributing to society in a positive way. I am deeply grateful for the opportunities I have been afforded to learn and study, and I believe that my contributions to society, if provided a fair opportunity unmolested, can be even greater if I am allowed to remain abroad. The United States may disagree with my assertions. Even if it does, I think we could resolve this entire matter amicably.

As a United States citizen, I am prepared to (1) forego any future asylum claim against the United States now, and in the future. However, there are publicly accessible decisions and judgments relating to my asylum claim, and wrongful arrest images relating to the 2013 incident that could interfere with my right to life, right to liberty, right to work, right to self-determination and my freedom from degrading treatment or punishment.

In light of this fact, I ask that the United States remove publicly accessible decisions and judgments relating to my asylum claim, and wrongful arrest images relating to the 2013 incident that could interfere with my right to life, right to liberty, right to work, right to self-determination and my freedom from degrading treatment or punishment. In order to effectively eliminate all reasonably possible manifestations of persecution in my case, I must be able to gauge reliability of assurances obtained in response to claims I made relating to torture and ill-treatment. At this point, I have no assurance that all possible manifestations of persecution in my own case have been eliminated.

III. Housing Assistance Abroad

Lastly, I am strongly considering entering an LLM program abroad and would appreciate the United States’ support. There are several reasons why I believe your office can play a crucial role in helping me enter this program and to find suitable housing, should I be accepted in an LLM program. As you may be aware, if move to any country, I will be hobbled by the United States government’s perception of me. Moreover, homelessness due to circumstances beyond my control will also impact me significantly. While the United States may disagree that it has directly contributed to my situation, I must disagree. In my opinion, the United States has participated in and acquiesced to certain structures and systems that have contributed to widespread housing insecurity and racial inequality. As a citizen of the United States, I am seeking to resolve this matter amicably, and the only way I can do this is with the full support of the United States in (1) securing housing, and (2)the United States’ employees, agents, officials, informants, progenitors and allies do interfere with my educational pursuits abroad.

As for housing, the Office of the Ambassador has a wealth of knowledge and resources when it comes to navigating foreign housing markets. With your help, I can avoid any potential pitfalls that may arise when searching for housing in an unfamiliar country. As a representative of the United States, I also believe it is important to have access to safe and secure housing. This will not only ensure my personal safety, but also ensure that I am able to carry out my duties effectively while abroad. Finally, I believe your office’s assistance in finding suitable housing will ultimately benefit the United States as a whole. By ensuring that I have a comfortable and safe place to stay, I will be better equipped represent the real values of democracy in a positive light, which I have been unable to do before.

For these reasons, I respectfully request a meeting with the Office of the Ambassador and its assistance with suitable housing during my travels abroad. I believe this is a matter of importance that warrants your attention.

Assistance from the Office of the Ambassador in securing accommodation and other basic needs abroad would, undoubtedly,be the embodiment of the American Dream.


Quianna Canada


United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

Case Postale 2500

CH-1211 Genève 2 DépôtSuisse

P: +41 22 739 8111

Open Letter to Honorable Claire D. Cronin on Transnational Repression in Ireland


1 UNSC Res. 1624 (14 September 2005), Preamble para. 7, adopted during the 2005 World Summit most recently affirmed in UNSC Res 2368 (20 July 2017).

2 United Nations. “About Human Rights Defenders: Special Rapporteur of human rights defenders.” OHCHR, para. 4.

3 United Nations. Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. A/RES/53/144. See Article 6 (b)(c), p. 4.

4 Id

5 Convention against Discrimination in Education, Article 4 (make secondary education in its different forms generally available and accessible to all). Available at:

6 UNHCR. (2005). Advisory opinion on the rules of confidentiality regarding asylum information. Available at: See also, Art. 30 of the Recast Procedures Directives.My understanding is that it is against the 1951 Convention for a State to share personal data or any other information relating to asylum seekers with the authorities of the country of origin before a final rejection has been made on theasylum claim

Has Police Misconduct and Excessive Use of Force in the US Decrease Post-George Floyd?

Has Police Misconduct and Excessive Use of Force in the US Decrease Post-George Floyd?

Has Police Misconduct and Excessive Use of Force in the US Decrease Post-George Floyd?

It has been nearly 3-years since the murder of George Floyd and there are still no signs from the US Senate that it intends to combat police excessive use of force, racial bias in policing and police misconduct.

Excessive force against African Americans has been a persistent problem in the US. Due to law enforcement’s discriminatory treatment against marginalized communities, the House of Representatives introduced the George Floyd Justice Policing Act, the Eric Garner Excessive Use of Force Prevention Act, the Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act and the End Racial and Religious Profiling Act, all of which has either been stalled in its introductory phase or has not made it pass the Senate.

At the time of this article, 42% of individuals who identify as African American or Black reported personal discrimination by American law enforcement. There are eleven specific cases that breathe more life into this harrowing statistic.

Amaurie Johnson

In 2021, La Mesa police officer Matthew Dages falsely arrested Amaurie Johnson. Dages alleged that Johnson assaulted him during the encounter. However, video footage of the incident did not show Johnson assaulting Dages. As a result, Johnson sued the city on grounds of racial discrimination, excessive force, and wrongful imprisonment.

After footage of the incident went viral, the La Mesa police department decided not charge Johnson. However, a US jury still acquitted the police officer,[1] even though video evidence did not support Dages version of events.

In La Mesa, Whites make up 54.4% of the population, followed by Hispanics, who make 25.8%. Black American comprise of 7.3% of the population.[2]

Shane Lee Brown

In 2022, Las Vegas police officers misidentified Shane Lee Brown for a suspect of a different race and twice his age. Although Brown continued to explain to police that he was not the suspect, law enforcement officers held Brown in pre-trial custody for eight days.[3]

Michael Jennings

During the same year, a Childersburg officer wrongfully arrested Michael Jennings while he was watering the neighbor’s flowers. Under Alabama law, an officer “may stop any person abroad in a public place.”[4] Nonetheless, Jennings was not in a public place; he was on private property. This case demonstrates that even if a citizen is not committing, has not committed or is not about to commit a crime, the officer may still racially profile an individual if they feel they are committing, has committed or is about to commit a crime.

Johnathan William Ellish

Two months after the Jennings incident, East Ridge police officers used excessive force on Johnathan Ellish. Bystanders who recorded the incident on their cell-phones assert the Tennessee police officers arrested them in retaliation for documenting the Ellish incident.

Jamie Satterfield also reported that East Ridge police pushed a woman’s face onto a police cruiser and arrested her for disorderly conduct after she recorded them shooting an unarmed woman with a stun gun.[5] Satterfield stated that camera footage showed police officers using a stun gun on unarmed citizens within minutes of encountering them.[6]

It is worth mentioning here that White allies are often brutalized in the US for coming to the defense of African Americans. One need only refer to the case of Ronald Cummins, who East Ridge police officers’ assaulted and falsely arrested when he questioned their ill-treatment of a Black motorist in 2021.

Eddie Irizzary

On August 14, 2023, Philadelphia police officer, Mark Dial, shot and killed Eddie Irizzary. Philadelphia Police Department initially claimed that Irizzary lunged at police officers with a knife.[7] However, surveillance footage demonstrates that never happened. The surveillance showed Dial approaching Irizzary’s vehicle with his gun drawn. Although Irizzary remained in his vehicle with his window up, Dial fired six shots into the driver’s seat.

US Law Enforcement’s Violence Against Women

Safiya Satchel

In 2020, Jordy Yanes Martel, a Miami-Dade police officer abused his authority when he forcibly removed Safiya Satchel out of her vehicle and slammed her to the ground. He then knelt on her neck and tased her stomach, which was carrying her unborn child. According to reports, Satchel had miscarried, though it’s unclear if this was the result of the unreasonable use force.

Fort Lauderdale Victim

A Fort Lauderdale police officer charged an un-named Black woman with battery after she elected not to get out of her vehicle. Body-worn camera footage shows the woman waiting in her and talking on the phone to her mother. When the Fort Lauderdale officer walks up, he demands that the woman step out of her car. However, she refused. This led to the police officer opening the driver’s door. He then pulled the woman out of the car and threw her to the ground. The woman asserted that the police officer struck her in the face repeatedly, causing bruises to her eyes and face.[8]

Nerilla Laurent

In June 2023, Boca Raton police received a “domestic situation” call, where a couple’s car stalled on the road. Boca Raton officer Matthew McNichol forced Nerilla, a pregnant woman, to the ground and put his knee on her back. He then placed Nerilla in a heated patrol car and did not let down the windows.[9] Nerilla said to McNichol that she was coughing because she could not breathe. Nerilla was charged with resisting an officer without violence. Although Nerilla may have had an active warrant for driving with a suspended license, this fact alone does not justify the forced McNichol used on her.

Los Angeles Woman

The same month, a Los Angeles County Sheriff’s deputy threw an un-named Black woman to the ground after she recorded the sheriff’s interaction with her husband.[10] Bystander video shows the deputy hurling the woman the ground, placing his knee on her neck, and pepper spraying her face.

Ta’Kiya Young

On August 24, 2023, Ta’Kiya Young walked into a Kroger’s store, shoplifted multiple bottles of alcohol, and was shot by Blendon Township police officers. This is yet another case that raises the question as to whether shoplifting in the U.S. in punishable by death.

While I personally do not condone Young’s actions, this was not a situation that called for the deadly use force. First, Kroger had surveillance of the alleged suspect shoplifting the alcohol, which means Blendon Township officers had a physical description of who would later be identified as Young. Second, authorities released surveillance footage of the parking lot where the incident transpired, which illustrates they had a description of her license plate.

Body-worn camera footage shows Young attempted to drive away from the scene—likely out of fear and to evade consequences. If it were to evade consequences, it is abundantly clear that the Blendon Township officer escalated the incident when he stepped in front of Young’s vehicle.

Theoretically speaking, if Young drove away with the merchandise, Blendon Township officers could have charged her with fleeing the scene and shoplifting. A warrant could have been issued and the matter would have been dealt with in court. In other words, Young and her unborn child would still be alive today. But as we have seen, the officers chose to escalate the incident and used deadly force on a woman whose crime cost less than $200.00. The Human Rights Committee has articulated crimes not resulting and intentionally in death, such as economic crimes, can never serve as the basis for the imposition of the death penalty under Article 6 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Oniqua Morris

During the weekend of September 3, 2023, Morgan City police officers responded to a confrontation between two men. Oniqua Morris, an individual in the parking lot, made attempts to de-escalate the altercation by pulling one of the men away, but officer David Leonard Jr. forcefully shoved her to the ground. He then proceeded to shove another Black woman and pepper sprayed two African American men.

The Violence Against Women Act

President Biden signed into the law the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2022 (VAWA) which protects women against domestic violence, sexual assault, dating violence and stalking.[11] However, the VAWA does not establish a federal civil cause of action for victims of violence perpetrated by police officers.

Gender-based violence inhibits women’s ability to enjoy rights and freedoms on a basis of equality with men.[12] Article 8 of the Convention for the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women applies to violence perpetrated by public authorities, such as police officers. Police brutality undoubtedly breaches the US’s obligation to protect under international human rights law. To be sure, international human rights courts have found that a State’s failure to act with due diligence to protect women from violence constitutes a form of discrimination that denies women their right to equality before the law.[13]

Use of Force and At-Risk Groups

Based on an earlier report, nearly 90% of the excessive force incidents identified by the Department of Justice involved excessive force used against African Americans.[14] In the 880 cases reviewed, the DOJ found African Americans accounted for some 88% of the subjects of non-deadly force used by BPD officers. In June 2023, the DOJ conceded that the Minneapolis Police Department used unjustified deadly force, the use of taser and excessive force against African Americans and Native Americans.[15] To put thing into perspective, MPD stopped 64,000 African Americans, yet they account for 18.4 % of the population. They also stopped 4,800 Native American individuals.[16] The 2022 Census found that Whites comprise of 63.1% of the Minneapolis population.[17]

Evidence shows African Americans were stopped 6.5 times the rate at which it stopped White Americans.[18] Even though the DOJ acknowledged that discipline for MPD officer misconduct is rare[19] and made several recommendations to improve training and reduce racial disparities, the report does not outline any action on part of the DOJ that would discipline Minneapolis police officers who engage in pretextual traffic stops, racial bias in policing, excessive force, and police misconduct.[20]

Are US Courts Convicting Police Officers for Malfeasance?

In 2021, Dewayne Emberton filed suit against Chase Winkle, a Muncie police officer, alleging that Winkle violated his constitutional rights during an arrest. Specifically, Emberton asserted that Winkle tasered him and inflicted bodily harm. Emberton further claimed that since Winkle’s father was Muncie’s chief of police, the City allowed the officer to get away with numerous civil rights violations. Irrespective of these contentions, the Court dismissed Emberton’s claim against Winkle for failure to furnish summonses in time. Nonetheless, the Court allowed the suit to remain active against the city of Muncie.

This year, a court sentenced Winkle to 10-years in prison for physically assaulting five arrestees and falsifying numerous reports.[21] In 2018, Winkle struck a teenager twice in the head with a closed fist and slapped him in the face twice.[22] Winkle also slapped another teenager in the face during the same incident, while they were being handcuffed by another officer.[23] During another incident, Winkle knocked a suspect unconscious and wrote a false police report about the incident.[24] It is quite likely that Emberton was one of the victims named in the DOJ press release. Another individual Winkle assaulted was an Italian man, Manny Montero. Judge Tanya Walton stated that Winkle’s actions “terrorized the community.”

A court sentenced another Muncie police officer, Jeremy Gibson, to 14-months in prison for his participation and involvement in the assault of Montero.

It cannot be denied that Winkle and Gibson were sentenced for their crimes. However, these are exceptional cases. For instance, the 9th Circuit found that officer Edward Agdeppa was entitled to qualified immunity in the killing of Albert Ramon Dorsey, whose singing in a 24-hour Fitness gym locker room created a disturbance. Reports further claim that Dorsey had trespassed, which is not an offence punishable by death.

A study found police and prosecutors rarely convict or discipline police officers for actions that lead to a wrongful conviction.[25] Even when prosecutors do pursue punishment, police officers are given light sentences (e.g. the Satchel incident).  In that study, Black defendants were more likely than White defendants to be victims of police misconduct. The study also found more than half of all wrongful criminal convictions were caused by government misconduct.

No Policies at the Federal Level to Eliminate Racial Profiling

There are currently no policies or procedures at the federal level that would require federal law enforcement agencies to eliminate racial profiling.[26]

Last year, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination stated the persistence of racial profiling by law enforcement officers in the US was concerning. The CERD further noted the persistence of excessive use of force by American law enforcement officials and urged the US to adopt policies regulating the use of lethal force that are in accordance with international law and international standards.[27]

Despite the recommendations of the CERD, the US Government has yet to pass legislation that would tackle police misconduct against African Americans, as they remain disproportionately affected by police mistreatment. Further, the US Government still has not ratified the CEDAW and has failed to repeal the doctrine of qualified immunity, a defensive strategy that emboldens police officers to engage in misconduct and allows persecution against marginalized communities to continue.


Thus, I call on the US Government to:

– Repeal the qualified immunity doctrine; and

– Ratify the CEDAW — the US must refrain from engaging in any act or practice of discrimination against woman and, must ensure that police departments and its officers act in conformity with the obligation of non-discrimination.

I also call on the US Senate to pass:

The George Floyd Justice Policing Act

This Act lowers the criminal intent standard from willful to knowing or reckless. It serves to convict law enforcement officers for misconduct in a federal prosecution.

The Eric Garner Excessive Use of Force Prevention Act

This Act prohibits the application of different punishments, pains or penalties, such as chokeholds, based on an individual’s status, color or race.

The Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act

This bill restricts the Department of Defense from transferring certain surplus military property, such as firearms, ammunitions and weaponized drones, to federal, state, or local law enforcement agencies, which are often used at protest to chill speech and disperse the people’s freedom of assembly in their call for justice.

The End Racial and Religious Profiling Act

This Act would eliminate racial profiling at the federal, state and local levels and authorizes individuals to call on the Department of Justice to bring civil suits on their behalf.

[1] Hernandez, D. (2021) Former La Mesa officer charged with filing false police report in arrest of Black man. San Diego Union-Tribune.

[2] California Demographics. (n.d.). Is La Mesa the best California city for your business.

[3] BBC News. (2022). US Black man mistaken for older White suspect – lawsuit, BBC News.

[4] Burke, M (2022). Black Alabama pastor says he was wrongfully arrested while watering his neigbor’s flowers, NBC News

[5] Satterfield, J. (2022). Suits against East Ridge cops over excessive force and false charges pile up, Tennessee Lookout. Available at:

[6] Id.

[7] ABC 7 Chicago. (2023). Cop charged with murder after deadly shooting: bodycam video released. YouTube.

[8] Indisputable. (2023). Exclusive: Black Woman Bruised, Battered by Feckless Florida Cop.

[9] WPTV News. (2023). ‘I hadn’t done anything:’ Woman arrested in Boca Raton traffic stop. YouTube.

[10] GMA. (2023). Video shows LA County sheriff’s deputy throw woman to the ground outside store.

[11] WH. (2022). Fact Sheet: Reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). White House. Available at:

[12] UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. (1992). CEDAW General Recommendation No. 19: Violence against women, 1992, available at: [accessed 26 August 2023].

[13] IACHR. (2018). African Americans, Police Use of Force, and Human Rights in the United States. OEA/Ser.L/V/II., Doc. 156, at p. 129, para. 523

[14] US DOJ (2016). Investigation of the Baltimore City Police Department, see p. 47.

[15] Office of Public Affairs (2023). Justice Department Finds Civil Rights Violations by the Minneapolis Police Department and the City of Minneapolis.

[16] DOJ. (2023). Investigation of the City of Minneapolis and the Minneapolis Police Department, p. 32.

[17] United States Census Bureau (2022). QuickFacts Minneapolis city, Minnesota.

[18] Id.

[19] Id., p. 76.

[20] Id., pp. 27-28

[21] DOJ. (2022). Former Muncie, Indiana, Police Officer Pleads Guilty to Eleven Civil Rights and Obstruction Offenses for Assaulting Arrestees and Writing False Reports. U.S. Department of Justice. [date accessed 10 September 2023].

[22] Id.

[23] Id.

[24] Id.

[25] Jackman, T. (2020). More than half of all wrongful criminal convictions are caused by government misconduct, study finds.

[26] See S.597, End Racial and Religious Profiling Act.

[27] CERD/C/USA/CO/10-12

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